(birds squawking)
♪
NARRATOR: On June 30, 1885,
as the fund-raising campaign
for the pedestal of the Statue of Liberty
finally began to pick up speed,
a letter appeared in the pages of "The New York Sun"
written by a young Chinese immigrant
and recent college graduate named Saum Song Bo,
who had come to America years earlier as a small boy,
and who dreamed of becoming a lawyer.
SAUM SONG BO (dramatized): "Sir: A paper was presented to me yesterday
"for subscription among my countrymen
"toward the Pedestal Fund of the Statue of Liberty.
"My countrymen and myself are honored
"in being thus appealed to
"as citizens in the cause of liberty.
"But the word liberty makes me think of the fact
"that this country is the land of liberty
"for all men of all nations except the Chinese.
"That statue represents Liberty holding a torch--
"which lights the passage
"of those of all nations who come into this country.
"But are the Chinese allowed to come?
"Are the Chinese here allowed to enjoy liberty
"as men of all other nationalities enjoy it?
"Free from the insults, abuse, assaults, wrongs, and injuries
"from which men of other nationalities are free?
"By the law of this nation,
"a Chinaman cannot become a citizen.
"Whether this statute against the Chinese
"or the Statue of Liberty
"will be the more lasting monument to tell future ages
"of the liberty and greatness of this country
"will be known only to future generations.
Saum Song Bo." WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
(distant voice speaking Chinese dialect)
(bell tolling) (horse whinnying)
NARRATOR: The solitary arm of the unfinished Statue of Liberty
had languished on Madison Square in New York
for more than five years when on May 6, 1882--
on the eve of the greatest wave of immigration
in American history--
President Chester A. Arthur signed into law
an extraordinary piece of federal legislation.
It was called the Chinese Exclusion Act--
and it was unlike any law enacted
since the founding of the Republic.
Singling out as never before
a specific race and nationality for exclusion,
it made it illegal for Chinese workers to come to America
and for Chinese nationals already here
ever to become citizens of the United States.
Fueled by deep-seated tensions
over race and class and national identity
that had been festering since the founding of the Republic,
it was the first in a long line of acts
targeting the Chinese for exclusion--
and it would remain in force for more than 60 years.
It continues to shape the debate
about what it means to be an American to this day.
(seagull squawking)
RENQIU YU: Chinese Americans always have this identification
with the founding principle of this country,
so beautifully laid out by the Founding Fathers
and so eloquently articulated in the Declaration of Independence
and the American Constitution.
The Chinese identify with this fundamental principle
of liberty, equality, and justice for all,
and all men are created equal.
Now, how can you say that this is a group of people
who are biologically and culturally
unfit to live a civilized life,
to appreciate and practice
American culture, political and religious ideals.
That's why I think a lot of Americans had a hard time
to learn that the Chinese Exclusion Act
really exists for 60 years.
They couldn't believe it, the government did that.
MAE NGAI: We have to remember that for most of the 19th century, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
MAE NGAI: We have to remember that for most of the 19th century,
immigration into the United States
was basically open.
You just showed up.
So the Chinese exclusion law is one of the first
really comprehensively restrictive laws.
And it's also the first and only time
in the entire history of the United States
that a group is singled out by name--
Chinese, by name--
as being undesirable.
So this is truly a remarkable moment.
JEAN PFAELZER: Starting in California,
the Chinese were marked as different.
And I see the 1882 bill
as a link in a chain of bills and a chain of legislation,
and race riots and purges
that are trying to move the country toward ethnic cleansing.
The 1882 bill was not about labor.
I think it was about white purity,
and, "How do we get rid of people who were different?"
DAVID LEI: Many people think of this exclusion law
as being very racist, very unfair.
But if you look at the world at that time--
every country was like that, and almost every ethnicity.
Try to be a citizen of China,
or try to be a citizen of Japan, is impossible
unless you're ethnically Chinese or Japanese.
But this is a group of people--
Chinese-American, the Chinese that were here--
who actually fought back
and made America better than what it was,
and helped make America what it is today--
the values that we have,
including equal protection under the law; rights to education;
what it means to be American,
what makes you American, to be born here.
All these weren't defined.
JOHN KUO WEI TCHEN: The 1882 exclusion law has been forgotten.
But once we remember it, it is outrageous.
And it's probably why we've forgotten it,
because it is so outrageous.
Many Americans today cannot believe this happened.
How could this country--
in its culture, in its politics, in its economics--
do what it did against a whole class of people?
The exclusion law said,
"That whole race of people are banned from this country."
So it's a racial exclusion law.
So that banning of a whole category of people
directly challenges foundational questions
of what American freedom means,
and what American history means,
who "We the people" can constitute.
K. SCOTT WONG: I think it's essential WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
K. SCOTT WONG: I think it's essential
that Americans know about the exclusion of Chinese--
not because it's the Chinese,
but because it reflects how America has come to develop,
how America saw itself at one time,
and how it continues to see itself.
It has much to do
with the character of our national history.
And that, to me, is the most important thing in understanding
how we became who we are today.
Some of it has to do with the fact
that we excluded Chinese for 60 years.
(birds calling)
♪
LING-CHI WANG: When James Polk was the president,
he recruited a geographer by the name of Aaron Palmer
and asked him to make a survey of the entire West Coast,
from California all the way to Alaska,
and what potential there was
for the United States' future development.
He was also very interested
in finding a shorter route for the China trade.
In 1848, Palmer filed a report to President Polk,
and in the report,
he talked about the amazing natural resources
and the importance of finding a more direct access
to the West Coast,
and recommended that we establish Chinese colonies--
import Chinese labor to the West Coast--
to help develop the West.
And this is all before the gold was discovered in California.
NARRATOR: Long before the first Chinese immigrants stepped ashore
in California in the mid-19th century,
the story of China and America had been deeply intertwined
for hundreds of years.
(rigging creaking)
ERIKA LEE: Where did America come from?
America came from European colonization,
from the fascination that explorers
like Christopher Columbus had with China.
With the inception of the United States,
our birth as a republic,
one of the fascinating things
is how important the China trade was
for that revolutionary generation.
WANG: After political independence, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
WANG: After political independence,
one of the first things that the British did
was to cut off our ability
to trade within the British Commonwealth.
China was among the few countries in the world
not yet colonized by anybody.
And so we saw our opportunity to become economically independent
linked to our trade with China.
TCHEN: But the big problem from the very beginning
was what does China want?
"What can we keep on giving China,
so that we can get the things that we want from China?
"So that we can get the teas, and the porcelains,
the lacquerware, the silks?"
NGAI: China really didn't want to buy much
from the United States or from England.
So, in the early 19th century,
they began to import opium into China, against Chinese law,
as a way of addressing their own balance of trade deficits.
WANG: And it was a very, very profitable trade.
Millions of Chinese were addicted to this.
Massive number of Chinese around Canton, the Pearl River Delta,
became addicted to opium.
(cannon fire)
NGAI: And finally, the Chinese said, "Enough"
and confiscated and burned thousands of chests of opium,
because they were breaking Chinese law by importing it,
sneaking it into the country.
And that was the pretext that Great Britain needed
to go to war.
TCHEN: Of course, this provoked the British gunships,
and the Americans came in with them,
because the Americans were also involved in the opium trade.
(cannon fire)
NGAI: They did it under the banner of free trade;
free trade as the core expression of liberty.
And how dare the Chinese say
they can't trade opium into China?
(explosions)
WANG: The first Opium War ended in 1842 with the Treaty of Nanking,
which opened five ports,
including Canton, to Western trade.
YU: In one stroke, the Canton System
used to manage trade with Europeans was destroyed.
China was forced into this new international system.
And gradually, in the Pearl River Delta,
the foreign intrusion
really became disruptive to the local economy.
PFAELZER: By the 1840s, what's happening in China is dire.
It was a time of drought, a time of poverty.
The Qing Dynasty-- the Chinese government-- is falling apart.
And then there's the Taiping Rebellion,
which was a political, religious, utopian massacre. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
which was a political, religious, utopian massacre.
(crowds clamoring)
WONG: Taiping Rebellion begins about 1850.
And there's a civil war, and this goes on for 15 years.
Approximately 30 million people are slaughtered.
It's not just this millenarian rebellion.
It's the foreign intrusion.
It's this dissatisfaction
with the corruption of the Manchu government.
The economy is faltering.
And the opium trade is all part of this.
And this takes place right above southern China,
so that all this farmland is trampled.
So when the Chinese hear
of gold being discovered in California,
U.S. ships are in Chinese ports
and ready to take people to California for the Gold Rush.
♪
KEVIN STARR: The Gold Rush was a global event,
and for Anglo-America, an object lesson
in the fact that there were
other kinds of people on the planet.
It brought, obviously,
Anglo-Americans from the East Coast;
it brought Mexicans from Sonora;
it brought French mining groups;
it brought English mining groups.
But it also brought Chinese to California.
NARRATOR: They arrived in the midst
of one of the most dramatic and tumultuous decades
of expansion and change in American history.
LEI: 1846.
America went to war with Mexico.
We took over Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California.
July 1846, a ship called the U.S.S. Portsmouth was sent
to take over the sleepy town of Yerba Buena-- San Francisco.
And maybe a hundred men
just walked up the hill from Montgomery Street,
arrested the Mexican customs officer,
raised the U.S. flag there,
and said, "This is America."
STARR: California had a relatively small population in 1846;
Americanized through conquest in 1846;
occupied enemy territory from 1846 to '48;
militarily administered United States territory
from 1848 to '50;
and then instant statehood, with full participation.
NGAI: Almost at the same time, really, 1849,
you have the Gold Rush in California.
And you have the opening of California
to people from not just the eastern United States,
but from all over the world.
The Chinese who came in the early years of the Gold Rush
were mostly rural people.
They're not the poorest of the population.
The poorest don't migrate because they can't afford to.
The wealthy don't migrate because they don't need to.
And they've heard, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
And they've heard,
like everybody else around the world, of this opportunity.
(seagulls squawking)
NARRATOR: The first named Chinese immigrant
to arrive in California
was an enterprising merchant from the Pearl River Delta
named Yuan Sheng who, years earlier,
on a previous trip to South Carolina,
had acquired U.S. citizenship, converted to Christianity,
and changed his name to Norman Asing.
(birds calling, bells tolling)
On July 13, 1849,
he entered San Francisco harbor on a ship called the Swallow
with two other Chinese sojourners on board.
By the end of 1850,
more than 4,000 Chinese immigrants
had arrived in San Francisco Harbor.
Two years later, the number had swelled to 20,000--
the vast majority from the impoverished port cities
and ravaged countryside
of the southern Chinese province of Guangdong.
There was an imperial edict,
that if you're Chinese, you can't leave.
But they were near Guangzhou, from the Sze Yup area--
near Hong Kong, near the coast,
Beijing is far up to the north-- so it was easy to leave.
LEE: We know the Chinese coming over for the Gold Rush,
including someone like my great-great-great-grandfather,
they would have docked into San Francisco,
and they would have just disembarked
like any other passenger.
There's no inspector, there's no customs official,
there's no medical examination, there are no papers.
There are some state controls over immigration,
but in terms of a federal immigration bureaucracy,
it does not exist.
Now, the California that they came to
was a rough-and-tumble place.
It was multinational and very unsettled,
and most people were going straight to the hills
to try to strike it rich in the gold fields.
NGAI: And in their wake come merchants,
who also smell opportunity.
Not in the gold itself, but to sell things to the miners.
So you begin to have the emergence of communities.
San Francisco develops a small Chinese quarter.
By 1852 there are some 20 Chinese shops
operating in San Francisco.
PFAELZER: Initially the Chinese were tolerated.
They were seen as a hardworking, generous, energetic people
who had a very serious set of moral codes.
But the tide really turns up in the gold field.
LEE: By the time the Chinese come,
the gold fields are very crowded.
And we know that from very the beginning,
there's racial strife,
there's miners fighting over claims.
NGAI: By 1852 the American miners have pretty much driven out
most foreign miners. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
most foreign miners.
White Americans think,
"Well, you know, it's our gold, so we want it all."
So when the Chinese arrive,
there are really not that many other foreigners around.
So the anti-foreign sentiment
now become focused on the Chinese.
PFAELZER: And as soon as the Chinese get to the gold fields,
immediately there are purges.
And the miners hold miners' conventions.
And they meet in the rough, they meet in a field,
and they very deliberately talked about,
"How do we purge the Chinese?"
NGAI: Many gold-mining camps, which made their own laws,
passed resolutions that no Chinese could mine
in their area.
Or that Chinese could not be first owners of a claim.
NARRATOR: As surface gold in the river beds became scarcer,
hydraulic mining run by companies
increasingly displaced the lone prospector panning for gold.
WANG: A lot of white independent prospectors went bankrupt,
became unemployed.
But instead of turning their anger
against the gold-mining company
and the water company for exploiting them,
they turned against the Chinese.
And so that is really the beginning
of white working-class agitation for Chinese exclusion.
NARRATOR: In 1852 a calculating 47-year-old lawyer
named John Bigler was elected governor of California--
by what remains to this day
the narrowest margin in state history--
carried into office in part
by the rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment
amongst white Californians.
STARR: Governor Bigler is brought into office
at a time when the Republic is first beginning
to show serious signs of falling apart.
Out here on the West Coast,
you have deep division growing
between the pro-southern, pro-slavery Californians
and those who are from the northern states
and are anti-slavery.
LEE: California had come in
as a free state to Missouri's slave state,
and the question automatically comes up
with the arrival of Chinese immigrants in California.
"Are they another race problem?
"Can we afford to include another race problem?
Could they even become American?"
And the answer is, "No."
NGAI: And so Bigler wants certain legislation passed.
He wants a heavy tax on the Chinese,
which he thinks will drive them away.
And he begins to articulate
the idea that will become the constant
in anti-Chinese politics for years to come,
which is the idea that Chinese are coolies,
or that they are serfs or slaves,
that they come under bondage.
And he wants a law passed
that will prohibit anyone from China who comes under a contract WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
that will prohibit anyone from China who comes under a contract
to engage in mining.
Now, most of the Chinese who came in the 1850s
came on their own account--
they came as independent prospectors.
But Bigler raises this kind of specter of the coolie.
And he cites the figures of,
"There's 500 who came on this ship last week;
"there's another thousand on the way;
there's 20,000 lined up in the ports to come."
So he invokes this specter
of people who will be paid four dollars a month
and bring slavery into California.
And then he asks for these measures to exclude the Chinese.
Bigler's message is delivered to the Assembly,
then printed up in leaflets
and distributed throughout the gold mining districts.
So now everybody has a kind of official license
to go attack Chinese.
NARRATOR: On May 5, 1852, Norman Asing--
now one of the leading figures
of San Francisco's embattled Chinese community--
published a soaring reply to Bigler's proclamation
in the "Daily Alta California."
NORMAN ASING (dramatized): To His Excellency Governor Bigler...
Sir: I am a Chinaman, a republican,
and a lover of free institutions;
and am much attached to the principles
of the government of the United States.
The effect of your late message
has been to prejudice the public mind
against my people
and to enable those who wait the opportunity to hunt them down
and rob them of the rewards of their toil.
I am not much acquainted with your logic--
that by excluding population from this state,
you enhance its wealth.
Immigration has made you what you are
and your nation what it is.
But your further logic is more reprehensible.
You argue that the Constitution of the United States
admits of no asylum to any other than the pale face.
This proposition is false in the extreme, and you know it.
The declaration of your independence,
and all the acts of your government, your people,
and your history are all against you.
You have no right
to propose a measure for checking immigration.
As regards the color and complexion of our race,
we are perfectly aware that our population
are a little more tan than yours.
Your very obedient servant, Norman Asing.
NARRATOR: Bigler was unmoved-- WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
NARRATOR: Bigler was unmoved--
and in the years to come
made sure the Foreign Miners' Tax
was explicitly re-written to target the Chinese.
But try as he might,
Governor Bigler could never realize his ultimate ambition--
outright legal exclusion of the Chinese from California.
LEE: The U.S. government declares that this is not a state matter,
but that it is a federal matter,
and that the U.S. federal government should have,
and does have, jurisdiction over international migrations.
(cannon fire, explosions)
NARRATOR: On April 24, 1861, word reached San Francisco by Pony Express
that the Confederates had fired on Fort Sumter
two weeks earlier.
And in the weeks to come,
crowds of pro-Union supporters thronged into the streets
to express solidarity with the embattled U.S. government
on the far side of the continent.
For the 35,000 Chinese immigrants,
who by 1861 were struggling
to make a life for themselves in California,
the war would bring new challenges, new dangers,
and new opportunities.
Over the next four years,
wartime initiatives set in motion by the federal government
would strengthen ties between China and America,
encourage the free flow of people and things
between the two nations,
and increase the influx of Chinese immigrants,
to the dismay of the exclusionists.
NGAI: Californians are still agitating
for national legislation to exclude Chinese.
But in Washington, this is seen
as kind of a West Coast, local political question.
And in Washington,
they're more concerned with trade with China--
that's the national interest.
NARRATOR: In June 1861
Abraham Lincoln sent a one-time Massachusetts congressman
named Anson Burlingame to Beijing
to improve relations with China,
promote friendship and commerce,
and to repair diplomatic ties damaged by the opium wars.
In July 1862, at the darkest point of the war,
Lincoln signed into law the Pacific Railway Act,
clearing the way for the construction
of a vast transcontinental railroad,
that when complete would finally connect
the Atlantic world to Pacific
and revolutionize trade with China.
(train bell ringing)
WONG: The transcontinental railroad--
called by some the "Iron Road to China"--
is not just establishing links
between the West Coast and the East Coast,
but it also is to get us to the Pacific.
And to establish American businesses,
so that they can do business with Asia.
(train whistle)
STARR: You need a very large labor force
to build a railroad operation across the entire nation.
The Central Pacific on West Coast
looked at the Union Pacific building from the East WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
looked at the Union Pacific building from the East
and saw that it was employing recent Irish immigrants
in large numbers.
And there wasn't that kind of population in California.
NGAI: There are a lot of unemployed Chinese miners out there.
And there's a great demand for labor for the western section.
So the Central Pacific has this idea to use Chinese.
WANG: They found out very quickly,
the Chinese are very diligent, very reliable, very hardworking.
And so immediately decided to massively recruit Chinese,
including going all the way to China,
to encourage more of them to come here.
NARRATOR: Between 1860 and 1870,
nearly 30,000 Chinese immigrants would come to the United States,
nearly doubling the Chinese population to 63,000.
Between 10,000 and 15,000 of them
would find work on the Central Pacific Railroad.
WONG: Eventually, they would make up four-fifths of the workforce
for the Central Pacific.
And they have the hardest jobs--
they go through the Sierras,
over the Sierras;
they work under the snow in the winter.
They build vast tunnel systems,
in which they keep chipping away at the rock.
STARR: They organized themselves,
they were capable of hard work,
they took great chances,
and they were physically strong--
they could do the labor.
You can see that from what they accomplished--
the triumph of taking on the Sierra Nevada,
the same way that, 2,000 years earlier,
we took on the great mountains of China
and built the Great Wall.
WANG: The Chinese could not have been able
to come to the United States
to help build the transcontinental railroad
had it not been for Anson Burlingame,
the first American ambassador to China,
because China prohibited Chinese people from going abroad.
And so what Burlingame did
is commit the Chinese government
to allow free immigration
between China and the United States.
NARRATOR: Less than a year before the railroad itself was completed,
Anson Burlingame concluded an historic treaty
between the United States and China,
explicitly guaranteeing the free flow of people and trade
between the two nations.
WANG: The treaty essentially legitimized
Chinese citizens' ability
to immigrate to the United States.
NGAI: The Burlingame Treaty had a structure of reciprocity.
Americans can freely enter China,
and Chinese can freely enter the United States.
Trade goes both ways, people can go both ways.
And so this treaty is a huge obstacle, a huge setback, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
to the exclusionists.
(people clamoring, train whistle blowing)
WONG: And, finally, the railroads meet in Utah, at Promontory Point,
and that famous picture of the two iron horses there,
but the Chinese are not allowed to be in the picture.
They're somewhere off the side.
They're out of the frame.
They're there, but they're not.
And so they're erased from that history.
(gull calling, rocks crumbling)
And then once that railroad's done,
then what happens to these Chinese?
PFAELZER: The paychecks end--
they have to come down from the mountains.
There's nothing else up there for them to do.
And most of them go west-- toward the coast,
toward Chinatowns across the state of California.
And suddenly there's a big influx along the coast
of Chinese people who have to create
a new life outside of the railroad.
NARRATOR: The treaty and the railroad
were triumphs of connection in an increasingly global world--
tying America itself more closely together,
accelerating trade with China,
and bringing more Chinese immigrants to American shores.
In the long run, however,
the impact of both would be to nationalize
what had previously been a remote West Coast issue,
propelling to national attention
the fraught and volatile issue of Chinese labor,
which by 1869 was increasingly being called
"the Chinese Question."
PFAELZER: This is the era
when all of the promises of the Civil War
are going to start falling apart.
After the Civil War, we get the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments.
And those are all civil rights amendments.
The 13th abolishes slavery,
the 15th gives black men the right to vote.
But the 14th Amendment grants all civil rights to all persons.
NARRATOR: On July 9, 1868-- just three weeks
before the Burlingame Treaty was concluded--
the 14th Amendment to the United States Constitution
was formally adopted
despite bitter opposition from most states
of the fallen Confederacy,
which were forced to ratify it
to regain representation in Congress.
Overruling the Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott,
which had denied citizenship
and all civil rights to black Americans,
the 14th Amendment's "citizenship clause"
declared that "All persons born or naturalized
in the United States are citizens of the United States" WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
in the United States are citizens of the United States"
who cannot be deprived of life, liberty,
due process, civil rights,
or equal protection under the law.
In the decades to come, the spare, 80-word text
would form a last, slender line of defense
for the Chinese in America
as the country began a long, slow descent
into an abyss of hatred and violence
directed against all people of color.
MAN (dramatized): "February 6th, 1869.
"Chicago.
"We warn workingmen
"that a new and dangerous foe looms up in the far west.
"Already our brothers of the Pacific have to meet it,
"and just as soon as the Pacific railroad is completed,
"these Chinamen will begin
"to swarm through the Rocky Mountains
"like devouring locusts
"and spread out over the country this side.
"Men who can work for a dollar a day
"are a dangerous element in our country.
"We must not sleep until the foe is upon us,
"but commence to fight him now.
"In the name of the workingmen of our common country,
"we demand that our government
forbid another Chinaman to set foot upon our shores."
The Workingman's Advocate.
NARRATOR: The first flashpoint came
even before the railroad was completed--
in the deep South, more than a thousand miles
from the gold fields of northern California,
in the troubled post-war cotton fields of the Mississippi Delta.
WONG: After the Civil War, one of the first developments
is that with the emancipation of African slaves
and their descendants,
you get the demise of the plantation system in the South.
The plantation owners in places like Mississippi
and Louisiana still need work.
♪
NARRATOR: In 1869, faced with a severe labor shortage and rising costs,
plantation owners from across the South
gathered in Memphis to find a solution to the problem.
MARY LUI: At the Memphis convention,
growers are coming together,
and they're talking about bringing Chinese laborers,
en masse, to replace freedmen.
They've heard these stories about the Chinese laborers
miraculously building
the toughest part of the transcontinental railroad
under very difficult circumstances.
And they're hoping that this may be the magic bullet, the cure,
for their labor problems.
NARRATOR: By the summer of 1869,
as newspapers across the country
reported plans to import Chinese laborers
to work on plantations, railroads, factories, and homes,
alarms began to go out, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
alarms began to go out,
along with howls of protest
from workingmen's groups and trade unions across the East,
denouncing the scheme as unfair competition
and accusing malevolent capitalists
of trafficking in a new form of slave labor-- the coolie trade.
ALEXANDER TROUP (dramatized): "We have abolished the slavery of the black men,
"but these capitalists are endeavoring to resurrect it.
"The workingmen throughout the country should rise in a body
"and raise such a shout
that its echo will reach Washington."
WONG: And then, in Massachusetts,
the little town of North Adams, Massachusetts,
in 1870, there's a shoe strike.
(whistle blowing)
And the owner of the shoe factory
sends one of his job recruiters out to California
and says, "See if the Chinese will come."
So he brings in about 75 Chinese workers,
mostly teenagers and young men,
to North Adams, Massachusetts, to break this strike.
And they actually ride the transcontinental railroad
and various other connections
and get off the train in North Adams, Massachusetts.
And for this brief moment of time,
there are more Chinese in North Adams
than anywhere east of the Mississippi.
But once that happens,
once you get Chinese in North Adams,
then you begin to see Chinese in Pennsylvania,
working in various factories.
And then you get the burgeoning
of New York Chinatown, Boston Chinatown,
Philadelphia Chinatown, Baltimore.
TCHEN: So not just the plantations in the South,
but the Northeast, with their factories,
are actually also experiencing this.
In all cases we're talking about small numbers.
But it's so blown out of proportion in the press.
This becomes huge news.
NARRATOR: The Chinese in America numbered fewer than 64,000 in 1870
and were never paid anything close
to the starvation wages they were accused of settling for.
But the facts didn't matter,
and they would soon find themselves
at the center of a rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment
across the country--
feared and vilified by white workers as scab labor
and pawns of the monopolists
and viciously caricatured in the national press
as servile automatons.
LUI: If you look at the political cartoons,
in something like "Harper's Weekly,"
you suddenly see these concerns about
Chinese Coolie laborers
who are going to march across the nation
and take over every single job.
That this is going to be a threat
to every white workingman in the nation,
whether you are a boot maker, or a cigar maker.
(man speaking indistinctly) WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
(man speaking indistinctly)
TCHEN: So what happens is that class and racialization converged,
get confused.
And the "coolie question" and the Chinese question,
really become the big question, nationally,
of labor and class.
Can the American man
compete with this degraded Asian male form of labor?
They don't eat as much,
maybe their nerves are farther away
from the surface of the skin, so they don't feel as much,
they eat rats.
All of this gets played out even more and more
around not just class lines and racialization,
but also around gender.
The Chinese male is inferior,
is not the same as white manhood.
So you have that famous cover-- "Meat versus Rice."
American manhood versus Asiatic coolie-ism.
And, of course, the Asian male is inferior, but tenacious,
because there are a lot of them.
So they're dangerous, because they're so many of them.
Not because they really rival
the actually superior white male.
NARRATOR: It was only a matter of time
before the anti-Chinese feelings erupted into violence.
NGAI: When California's connected to the rest of the country,
it doesn't have the effects that people thought it would have.
It connects California as part of a national market,
but that also means that cheap manufactured goods
from the East now flood the Western market;
prices and wages are depressed;
there's actually more unemployment
than there was previously in California.
And in fact, the depression of the 1870s in the East
will be brought by the railroad to the West a few years later.
So now you have a large unemployed population.
And in the cities, then,
you have a much more explosive kind of racial dynamic,
where the ideas that targeted Chinese in the gold fields
are refashioned for this urban context,
and they get a new lease on life.
And this is really where it becomes incendiary,
where there are race riots in the streets.
NARRATOR: On the night of October 24, 1871,
hundreds of enraged white and Mexican Angelinos
descended on Chinatown in Los Angeles,
allegedly in response to the killing of a white man
caught in the crossfire when a gunfight broke out
between two Chinese immigrants.
(gunshots)
PFAELZER: Chinatown was called, "Calle de los Negros"--
or, as it was known at the time, "Nigger Alley."
And the population of Los Angeles rushes in
for this really brutal race riot.
White people and Mexicans flock down to Chinatown. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
White people and Mexicans flock down to Chinatown.
And as they capture Chinese people, they lynch them.
They hang them from a church steeple,
they hang them from the top of a covered wagon,
from a gatepost.
They cut off the finger of one of the Chinese men.
One of those lynched is a child,
and two Chinese women are lynched.
And then they torch Chinatown.
(screaming, fire crackling)
The Chinese people fight back.
One Chinese woman picks up a rifle
that one of the vigilantes drops and starts shooting at the mob.
But the mob cuts holes in the roofs of the houses in Chinatown
and drops flaming torches into these holes on the roof.
And Chinatown burns.
(alarm bell ringing)
MAN (dramatized): "18 Chinamen were buried yesterday.
"They presented a most ghastly and horrible sight.
"Witnesses are very careful in giving their testimony,
"fearing to name individuals
"whom they know to have taken an active part in the lynching,
"lest they may be similarly dealt with themselves.
"There seems to be but one sentiment
"expressed by the better class of our citizens--
"that a great wrong has been done,
"which years may not efface;
"that the scenes of Tuesday night
are a disgrace to our city."
"Daily Alta California."
LEE: It's still the largest mass lynchings in U.S. history.
We often think that
this must have happened in the South somewhere,
but it actually happened in L.A.
And not with African-Americans but with Chinese-Americans.
STARR: That lynching was a horrible overture to a decade
of projecting the difficulties of the 1870s onto the Chinese--
suggesting a deep, sub-evil looking for a victim
in the California psyche.
By the early '70s, the failure of banks,
the great depression that hit California,
had filled San Francisco with unemployed, single white males
looking for work and not being able to find it.
So in San Francisco with the Board of Supervisors there,
you began to get harassment of the Chinese.
NGAI: The city passed numerous ordinances
to harass the Chinese,
thinking that if you made life miserable enough for people,
they would leave.
So there was an ordinance that you couldn't walk on a sidewalk WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
So there was an ordinance that you couldn't walk on a sidewalk
with a pole on your shoulder.
This is how Chinese vegetable peddlers, and other businesses,
carried their wares.
There was an ordinance that said
that any Chinese who was arrested
would have his hair shorn to within an inch of his scalp.
Now, this was really obnoxious,
because it meant cutting the queue, or the pigtail,
which was a required form of dress for Chinese men.
That was so obnoxious that it was overturned by the courts.
WANG: So all these obnoxious local ordinances
and state laws against the Chinese--
every one of them eventually got challenged in court
and ruled in violation of the Burlingame Treaty.
NGAI: So in California
they're trying to think of all kinds of ways
to get rid of the Chinese
without passing an exclusion law.
but they're also lobbying in Congress
to get an exclusion law passed.
(bell tolls)
NARRATOR: Lawmakers in Congress, for their part,
still led by Radical Republicans
whose principles had been forged in the fight against slavery,
continued to resist all efforts
to get them to legislate against the Chinese
on the basis of their race.
But by 1875,
the political dynamic in America had begun to shift,
as Democrats in Washington began to understand
that the Chinese issue could be indispensable
to the post-Civil War rehabilitation
of the Democratic Party.
LUI: The issue of Chinese labor becomes a very easy one
to galvanize the constituents of the Democratic Party,
workingmen in particular,
many of whom come from European immigrant backgrounds,
would have been working class,
would have been concerned about
what appeared to be the flooding of Chinese workers
into the nation.
And that's where we don't have just simply a local story,
but one that then has large national resonance.
WANG: The Democrats suggest that
the Chinese labor were actually equivalent to black slaves.
So you had this political pressure
against the Republicans,
who were accused of advocating for Chinese coolies.
And so that makes it possible
for the exclusion movement to get the support
from the East Coast politicians.
(gavel banging)
NARRATOR: For the first time,
a pathway to Chinese exclusion,
stymied at the national level for 20 years,
now began to open.
NGAI: In 1875, Congress passes the Page Act,
which is an effort to speak to
the demands of the Californians
without circumventing the Burlingame Treaty.
The Page Act prohibits the immigration
of people coming under contracts to work and prostitutes. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
of people coming under contracts to work and prostitutes.
Now, Chinese have been stereotyped already--
all the men are coolies, all the women are prostitutes--
so they think this is the way
they're going to stop the Chinese immigration.
WONG: There developed this sexist, racist,
misogynist attitude among Americans
that Chinese women were naturally prone
to become prostitutes and, therefore,
the Chinese women who wanted to come to the U.S.
had to prove that they were never prostitutes,
that they weren't prostitutes then,
nor would they ever become prostitutes.
Now, of course, one can't prove what will not happen
or happen in the future.
So many women chose not to even go through that humiliation.
So we had that first act that's passed
that is very racial and gender specific.
NGAI: The Page Act is spectacularly successful at keeping women out.
Not because all women coming were prostitutes,
although some were,
but because the interrogation of the female arrivals
was so horrific that once you hear about this,
you don't want to try it.
So female immigration plummets.
(bird caws)
PFAELZER: When the United States Congress passes the Page Act in 1875,
and it bans most women, except merchants' wives,
from entering the country, that's ethnic cleansing.
Without women,
there won't be family, progeny, lineage, children.
And so the population will just die off.
And it was intended to die off.
(gavel banging)
NARRATOR: By 1876,
a starkly reconsolidated white racial calculus
was on the rise across America,
from the streets of San Francisco
to the halls of Congress.
That year, Reconstruction would collapse entirely
in the bitterly contested presidential election of 1876,
when Republicans in Congress,
choosing self-interest over justice and equal rights,
agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South
in a backroom deal that sent their party's nominee,
Rutherford B. Hayes, to the White House,
even though he had lost the popular vote
to his Democratic rival, Samuel Tilden.
During the campaign itself,
platforms of both major parties
openly called for excluding Chinese.
MARTIN GOLD: It came at a time when American politics
was sort of balanced on a knife's edge
between Republicans and Democrats.
If you look at the period between 1876 and 1896,
you have five presidential elections in that period.
They were all very close. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
They were all very close.
The 1876 election,
in which the winner of the Electoral College
and the winner of the popular vote were different--
the difference in the Electoral College was one vote.
Now, California had six electoral votes,
maybe they're decisive.
Oregon had three, Nevada had three,
maybe they're decisive.
So the pandering for political support
from the Pacific Coast votes
converts what would have been a local issue,
with local agitation,
into a national political issue.
NARRATOR: Legitimized by recent federal legislation
and the stunning outcome of the 1876 election,
a rising tide of political reaction
now washed back across the country to California.
PFAELZER: The minute the northern troops are withdrawn from the South,
and Reconstruction falls apart,
and the South is voting again in Congress
and can take apart
the civil rights victories of the Civil War,
it becomes an invitation to race wars.
NGAI: So you have in California
a political movement for exclusion,
you have all this legislation going on,
you have violence.
You had gangs of kids that would throw rocks
at the wagons of Chinese arriving from the docks
on their way to Chinatown.
They'd stand on the bridge and throw rocks at people
or spit upon them.
It was horrific.
And then Chinese become the target
of a so-called "Workingmen's Party"
and a workingmen's movement.
Denis Kearney, a recently naturalized Irishman,
emerges as a leader
of the Workingmen's Party in San Francisco.
LEE: He was very effective
in pointing to Chinese immigrant men, male laborers,
as being the source of the white workers' trouble,
because the Chinese immigrant was the tool--
he was the slave of the fat cat industrialist boss
who was exploiting workers,
not paying a living wage,
and out to prevent white workers from gaining their fair share.
(angry crowd shouting)
NGAI: And they have sandlot rallies with incendiary speeches.
And their slogan is, "The Chinese must go!"
And Kearney would rile up these crowds.
And after the rallies,
people would fan out into the streets,
and they would burn down Chinese wash houses
and attack any poor soul
that would happen to be on the street.
It was just utter chaos.
And the city of San Francisco
actually had to dispatch police and citizens groups
to hold back these mobs.
(thunder rumbling)
NARRATOR: And now, in Congress,
the firewall of Republican opposition itself WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
the firewall of Republican opposition itself
began to crumble.
GOLD: So, finally,
the issue had been agitated for such a long time,
and the political impact of the issue
had taken root in the Congress,
that you got the 1879 15 Passenger bill.
That was a bill that said
that there could not be more than 15 passengers
of Chinese background on any ship entering the United States.
Otherwise, the ship would be turned back,
and the captain would be fined, and so on and so forth.
In the first major debate in the Congress,
on the 1879 15 Passenger bill,
Senator James G. Blaine of Maine
broke from the northeastern Republicans,
who basically opposed Chinese exclusion,
to support exclusion.
His theory was
if you had people who could not assimilate
and become part of the body politic
and, therefore, should not become American citizens,
then you also should not permit them to immigrate.
Because if you allowed them to immigrate,
you would always have a political underclass,
seething with resentment,
unable to enjoy the full fruits of the American Dream.
That, he said, would create social problems for the country.
So better not to let them come at all.
Senator Blaine makes this statement:
"We have today to decide whether we shall have
"on the Pacific coast of the United States
the kingdom of Christ or the kingdom of Confucius."
So a choice had to be made:
restrict immigration and restrict citizenship rights
or give the Pacific coast over to an alien culture
and an unassimilable population unfit for citizenship.
Now, the 15 Passenger bill ultimately got vetoed,
because President Rutherford Hayes,
on the advice of his secretary of state, said,
"We have treaties with China--
"the Burlingame Treaty, specifically--
"that appears to allow for the free movement of peoples
"between China and the United States.
And the 1879 legislation violates the treaty."
People in the Congress knew it violated the treaty.
At the same time, however,
President Hayes then sent a delegation to China
to renegotiate the Burlingame Treaty
so that some kind of legislation could pass.
And that negotiation gave the United States
the right to restrict, or to suspend,
immigration of Chinese labor.
The Chinese government really didn't want that treaty.
America pushed it on them.
China objected.
But America assured them that the treaty
would be administered in a fair way.
So in April of 1882,
when they passed a 20-year exclusion act,
which essentially barred an entire generation
of Chinese labor from coming into the United States, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
of Chinese labor from coming into the United States,
that evoked a veto from President Chester Arthur.
And then Congress came back, very shortly thereafter,
with a ten-year bill.
And at that point, President Arthur said,
"Look, this is apparently the will of the Congress.
Ten years is not as offensive as 20 years."
And he didn't exercise the veto pen again.
And May 6, 1882, the legislation becomes law.
I daresay that people who voted for the Chinese exclusion laws,
who came from Ohio, or Michigan, or Minnesota,
probably never saw a Chinese person
at the time they voted for those laws.
And, certainly, the southern states were full of people
who had never seen Chinese people either.
Southern senators and congressmen
voted for Chinese exclusion
not because they had a Chinese issue
within their own constituency,
but because they felt if they attuned themselves
to the political exclusionary interests on the Pacific coast,
they would gain sympathy for what they wanted to do
in their own region of the country
to voters of African background,
which is disenfranchise them.
The fundamental point is,
"You have your problem, and we have our problem.
We'll support you, you support us."
It was an argument against civil rights,
it was an argument against immigration.
But there was still lots of dissension in the Congress
against barring immigration,
and there was absolutely dissension
against barring naturalization.
Hannibal Hamlin of Maine,
Abraham Lincoln's first vice president,
chairman of the Senate foreign relations committee,
was very opposed to it.
And on the floor of the Senate, he denounced it.
And he said, "I'm opposed to this.
It violates fundamental American principles."
And he says, "I leave my vote, the last legacy to my children,
that they may esteem it the brightest act of my life."
This is a person with enormous moral authority.
So as the Congress acted,
the voices of dissent were not muted.
They were, in fact, active, eloquent, prominent,
and, ultimately, insufficient.
So anything that the Congress did in these years
was not by accident.
It really did two things.
One is an exclusion from immigration,
and the other thing was an exclusion from citizenship. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
At the time there were approximately 105,000 Chinese
in America.
Now, they were just two-tenths of one percent
of the overall American population.
So what happens to the people who are already here,
people legally in the United States?
And what that law said was, "These people cannot assimilate.
"They are too different in terms of their culture,
"in terms of their appearance,
"in terms of their language,
"the clothes that they wear,
"and the food that they eat,
"and the gods that they worship.
"They cannot assimilate into the American population.
"And in that sense,
"they are different from European immigrants.
"So we're going to make, as a Congress, a judgment.
"We're going to say that
"because they are an unassimilable population,
"they cannot come to the United States,
and those that are here cannot become American citizens."
(ship horn blaring)
NGAI: When the exclusion law is first passed,
it's a ten-year suspension.
And then they renew it in ten years,
and a whole slew of ancillary laws get passed
to control, or to prohibit, the entry of people.
WONG: The first Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882
really sets the parameters
of which Chinese can and cannot be in this country.
It says no Chinese laborers may enter for a period of ten years.
It also says they can't become citizens,
they cannot bring their wives, and they can't have families.
At least laborers.
Now, merchants were allowed to enter,
they could bring their families,
students were allowed to enter.
But as the years passed,
the definition of a merchant became narrower and narrower,
as well as students,
and the definition of laborers became broader.
LEE: The challenge for Chinese immigrants
living under the exclusion era was multiple,
because the exclusion laws were so restrictive.
There's the whole ordeal
about entering the country under the exclusion laws.
And then there's the similarly difficult ordeal
of living under the shadow of exclusion
and trying to reunite with family.
LUI: And Chinese-American families
have to really make some hard decisions
about what to do with their children,
and what to do with their families.
Where should they really think about their future?
Is it going to be in the United States,
or will it have to be back in China,
with political conditions there
being so uncertain in this period.
NGAI: At the same time, Chinatowns themselves WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
NGAI: At the same time, Chinatowns themselves
become much more insular and segregated, in a way,
because it was dangerous to live outside of the community.
You could be much more easily attacked.
WONG: So you see Chinese predominantly living in Chinatown--
ethnic enclaves-- for two reasons.
One, self-protection;
and, two, because they're not allowed to move out.
It's hard for them to find property or businesses
that will take them outside of Chinatown.
I think, to a great extent,
it keeps Chinese right where many Euro-Americans wanted them.
And the borders are permeable only to a certain extent.
And they're more permeable for non-Chinese.
So Chinatowns do become walled off.
PFAELZER: As we look at this dark period,
I think it's important to think about Chinese people
in the context of Jim Crow,
of what was happening to African-American people,
of putting Native Americans on reservations.
In California,
what had started as a population of 200,000 Native Americans,
by the time of the Chinese Exclusion Act,
there were only 16,000 Native Americans in California.
So the effectiveness of racism,
and the presumptions of what we now call "whiteness,"
ran very deep.
(gunshots, people clamoring)
NARRATOR: The passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882
opened the floodgates to an era of violence and brutality
towards Chinese Americans, and all people of color,
almost without precedent in America history.
PFAELZER: The Chinese Exclusion Act
codified a lot of energies
that were happening at the local level.
At this point,
the Chinese people weren't just on the Pacific West Coast.
And all through the 1880s,
there was horrific violence
going on against the Chinese people,
and brutality that never found justice.
WONG: There was widespread violence throughout the West
against Chinese.
They are driven out of towns,
they're driven off of small farms
that they might have homesteaded.
(dog barking, cicadas chirping)
NARRATOR: On the night of February 6, 1885,
a mob of 600 angry white Californians
in the north coast lumber town of Eureka,
enraged by the killing of a member of the town council,
descended on Chinatown,
screaming "Murder the Chinese," and "Burn Chinatown" WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
screaming "Murder the Chinese," and "Burn Chinatown"
then drove every Chinese immigrant in Eureka
out of town and onto ships bound for San Francisco.
After the purge,
the town council passed an ordinance excluding Chinese
that remained in force until 1950.
In September 1885,
at a coal mine owned by the Union Pacific Railroad
in Rock Springs, Wyoming,
angry white coal miners--
many of them immigrants themselves--
attacked a group of Chinese miners following a labor dispute
and burned their homes to the ground.
(people screaming, flames crackling)
MAN (dramatized): Some of the Chinese were burned alive in the houses.
The whole number of Chinese killed was 28,
and those wounded 15.
(people screaming)
LEE: The examples are too numerous to cite.
And, again, they happen in small towns that are isolated,
but in huge cities like Tacoma and Seattle.
The example of Tacoma is striking in and of itself.
The entire Chinese population is expelled from Tacoma in 1885,
800 to 900 people.
PFAELZER: There are 300 purges
across California, Oregon, up to Seattle in Washington,
as far east as Rock Springs in Wyoming.
So they're all over the West.
(thunder rumbling)
NARRATOR: In early June 1887,
along a remote stretch of the Snake River
separating Idaho and Oregon,
a settler 30 miles south of Lewiston
caught sight of the first of many badly decomposed bodies,
washed loose by the heavy spring rains
and floating downstream.
The mutilated corpses--
riddled with gunshot wounds and partially dismembered--
were all that remained of 34 Chinese gold miners,
who in late May, investigations revealed,
had been ambushed, savagely tortured,
and systematically executed
by a gang of horse thieves and schoolboys
from Wallowa County, Oregon, 65 miles upstream.
(horse whinnies)
"Everyone was shot and cut up,
then stripped and thrown in the river,"
an investigator reported.
Three escaped and the remaining three found innocent
by a jury of their peers.
"I guess if they had killed 31 white men,"
one man said, "something would have been done about it.
"But none of the jury knew the Chinamen
or knew much about it, so they turned the men loose."
PFAELZER: I don't know.
I think that the racism of the era was so ingrained WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
I think that the racism of the era was so ingrained
and the creative ways people were coming up with
to tag and mark people as different
were invoked as ways of making it impossible
for them to survive.
I truly can only intellectually argue that.
In some ways, I can't wrap my mind around
the quantity of violence and hatred.
(bells tolling distantly)
LEE: Once exclusion was the law of the land,
then Chinese immigrants turned to trying to figure out
how to open up avenues within the laws.
We know how active Chinese immigrants were
in resisting, protesting, challenging these laws
by every means possible:
by writing to presidents,
talking about the injustice in the newspapers,
and taking cases to court.
LUI: You see people immediately taking up the pen
and writing essays.
You have Chinese intellectuals
who are here in the United States during this period,
like Wong Chin Foo, for example,
who writes and decries the Chinese Exclusion Act
as, you know, anathema to American values, and says,
"Why are you particularly persecuting the Chinese?"
LEI: He started a newspaper called "The Chinese American"--
the first time that term was ever used.
And he thought the Chinese would become American,
and should vote,
and this is a country that Chinese should settle.
YU: What made the Chinese survive
the most difficult conditions in this country
is mainly their identification
with American founding principles
and also their faith in themselves,
and that they refused to be excluded.
YAN PHOU LEE (dramatized): "No nation can afford to let go its high ideals.
"The founders of the American Republic
"asserted the principle that all men are created equal
"and made this fair land a refuge for the whole world.
"Its manifest destiny, therefore,
"is to be the teacher and leader of nations in liberty.
"Its supremacy should be maintained by good faith
"and righteous dealing,
"and not by the display of selfishness and greed.
"But now, looking at the actions of this generation of Americans
"in their treatment of other races, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
"in their treatment of other races,
"who can get rid of the idea that that nation,
"which Abraham Lincoln said was conceived in liberty,
"waxed great through oppression,
"and was really dedicated to the proposition
"that all men are created to prey on one another?
"How far this Republic has departed from its high ideals
"and reversed its traditionary policy
may be seen in the laws passed against the Chinese."
Yan Phou Lee,
"The Chinese Must Stay," "The North American Review."
YU: This is the basic theme in Chinese-American history.
The Chinese-Americans always challenge
the anti-Chinese Act and policies.
They always appealed to the American judiciary system
to protect their rights.
Under the most difficult conditions,
these people actually did not give up their faith.
They fought, they fought for decades.
It is a remarkable resilience.
They looked to the law to protect themselves,
because they could not look to the political institutions
to protect them.
Their only recourse was the courts.
Sometimes they won, often they didn't.
PFAELZER: This is where the 14th Amendment becomes critical.
The Chinese can't become citizens.
There are a series of laws which say that can't be naturalized.
But the 14th Amendment
really grants all civil rights to persons.
And it's Chinese litigants
who are going to discover in the 14th Amendment
that it applies to persons, not to citizens.
LEI: Between the exclusion law 1882 and 1905.
There were more than 10,000 lawsuits
the Chinese filed with the federal courts.
And about 20 of these went to the Supreme Court.
And the population of Chinese in America
was about 110,000 at the time.
This is eight, nine percent of the people
sued the federal government to change this.
(people shouting)
Chinese used the courts
in large part because they didn't have access
to the ballot box--
they didn't have the vote.
But they knew they could use the courts,
so this becomes their principal strategy for legal change.
And from the 1880s through the end of the 19th century,
there are a slew of constitutional cases.
One type has to do with immigration,
and the other type has to do with civil rights. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
and the other type has to do with civil rights.
They mostly lose the immigration cases.
But in the question of civil rights,
it's a little more mixed.
The most famous civil rights case
is Yick Wo v. Hopkins in 1886.
That's the laundry case,
where San Francisco had passed an ordinance
that said nobody could have a wooden structure for a laundry.
But if it had been built before that time,
you could still operate it if you had a permit.
And they just refused to give permits to Chinese,
but they gave permits to whites.
Right away, 280 laundries apply,
and 80 got their permit, 200 did not.
The problem was all 80 were white, and all 200 were Chinese.
Now, there was this guy named San Lee,
he had this laundry called Yick Wo.
And he stood up and said,
"I'm gonna operate without this permit
and be arrested to test this law."
So he was arrested.
The China Six Company and the laundry association backed him.
And they took it all the way to the Supreme Court,
saying that although a law is good on the surface,
if you apply it differently to different groups of people,
it is against the 14th Amendment,
which provides equal protection under the law.
It was never tested before.
STARR: The idea of a Chinese person being harassed,
seeking the courts at remedy,
at the same time that his people
are being excluded from the country,
to mix ethnic metaphors, shows a lot of chutzpah.
And Yick Wo pulled it off, he pulled it off.
NGAI: And this is a really important case,
because the court said,
first, that the 14th Amendment provision for equal protection
applies to all persons.
That's the language of the amendment.
Not just citizens, not just whites, all persons.
So this is the key ruling
that applies the 14th Amendment to aliens, to immigrants.
PFAELZER: The Chinese Exclusion Act had to be re-upped every ten years.
And in 1892 it's re-upped again by Congress
with the Geary Act.
And this time they add a provision
that every Chinese person has to carry on their person
a photo identity card.
The United States never has had, and still does not have,
an internal passport, and this was the first.
NGAI: "And if you don't have it, you'll be deported.
"And if there's a good reason why you don't have it,
"like your house burned down or something, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
"like your house burned down or something,
"we'll only let you stay
if you have at least one white witness to vouch for you."
YU: Now, the Chinese refuse to believe
that this could be a law of this country.
NGAI: So the Chinese say, "You know what?
We're not going to respect this law."
And the leadership of the community organizes a boycott.
And this is very daring.
They're telling people,
"Don't get the certificate.
We're going to have a mass civil disobedience," basically.
JEE GAM (dramatized): "If America is fair in her dealing,
"her laws ought to be applicable to all people,
"regardless of nationality.
"To single out the despised Chinese,
"the only people who hold no votes,
"shows cowardliness.
"For the only class that are required to give photographs
"are the criminals,
"and the only animal that must wear a tag is a dog.
"The Chinese decline to be counted in
with either of these classes,
"so they refuse to register, and I do not blame them.
Jee Gam, February 1892."
PFAELZER: And one morning, across the country,
posters emerge, saying, "Do not register for this card."
And over 103,000 refuse-- they don't register.
The mass refusal of over 100,000 Chinese
I think is the largest act of civil disobedience to date.
NGAI: And the Chinese then went to court
to challenge the constitutionality
of the Geary Act,
and they lost.
They lost.
GOLD: The Supreme Court said,
"Congress has the power to do what it's doing.
"So it's not for us to decide, as the court,
"whether the political branch is doing the proper thing.
"They have the power to do it,
"so if you have a quarrel with what they've done,
take it up with them."
Except you don't have any power to take it up with them,
because you're not a voter.
NARRATOR: Soon, an even more fateful and fundamental legal battle
was underway over the very definition of citizenship
in America.
LEE: Wong Kim Ark was a native-born American,
born of Chinese immigrant parents in California
in the 1870s.
He had made several trips to China a few times before.
But in 1894 he goes again, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
But in 1894 he goes again,
and he comes back through San Francisco.
And at that time,
the San Francisco collector of customs
is a well-known anti-Chinese opponent named John Wise.
And he was eager for a test case
to have the U.S. government consider,
"Is there such a thing as a native-born Chinese-American
who can be a U.S. citizen
if his parents are ineligible for citizenship
under the nation's naturalization laws?"
So even though Wong Kim Ark
had been allowed to reenter the United States a few times before
as a native citizen born in the United States,
John Wise decides to deny him reentry in 1894.
NARRATOR: At stake was a bedrock constitutional issue:
under the 14th Amendment, could a Chinese American,
born in the U.S. of immigrant parents,
be considered an American citizen or not?
The U.S. attorney arguing the government's case
insisted that even though Wong Kim Ark
had been born in the United States,
it was an accident of birth
that did not override the fact
that his parents were foreigners,
ineligible for citizenship.
LEI: Wong Kim Ark fought it all the way to the Supreme Court
to establish something that we take for granted today.
NARRATOR: In 1898, in a landmark ruling,
the U.S. Supreme Court,
citing the citizenship clause of the 14th Amendment,
ruled that Wong Kim Ark,
like any one else born on American soil,
was an American citizen.
LEE: And this is the case, this is the precedent,
that establishes a U.S. birthright citizenship for all.
NGAI: Wong Kim Ark, of 1898, is really important,
because it secures the citizenship status
of Chinese born in the United States
and all children born of immigrants in the United States.
The court said that the language of the 14th Amendment is plain.
And if you started to tinker with it,
you would jeopardize the citizenship
of all the children of Europeans in this country.
So it was not necessarily out of any love for Chinese people,
but an understanding
of what the implications would be more broadly.
WONG: As the years passed,
the Chinese Exclusion bill is reenacted--
first in 1892, then again in 1902,
and then tacked onto a bill
that had nothing to do with immigration whatsoever in 1904,
that simply declared:
"All existing Chinese Exclusion Acts WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
"All existing Chinese Exclusion Acts
will be extended indefinitely."
NARRATOR: The tribulations of California's despised community
of Chinese residents would soon be compounded
when in 1906 one of the worst natural disasters
in American history struck San Francisco,
and with it the heart of the oldest and largest Chinatown
in North America.
LEI: The earthquake totally destroyed San Francisco's Chinatown.
But the Chinese word for "crisis"
has the word for "opportunity" in it.
That whenever there's some crisis,
there's always opportunity.
So the flip side was
all the records were destroyed in city hall
of who was born here, who immigrated here,
who had kids here.
So all the records were gone-- a clean slate.
LEE: Chinese were very, very clear
in their own minds
that what was happening to them
and the exclusion laws was unjust.
Knowing that the United States was open
to every other immigrant group who was coming over,
that there were jobs,
that there was economic opportunity.
Yet they had been singled out.
So you have undocumented border crossings,
as well as the birth of what we call the "paper son system,"
or immigration through fraudulent papers
and with false relationships.
WONG: This paper son system
really picks up after the San Francisco earthquake.
When all of the records in San Francisco are destroyed,
all the birth records, all the immigration records.
the Chinese figure out,
"They have no idea who's legal, who's not legal.
They don't know who's born here, who's not born here."
So the Chinese developed this system,
this paper son system,
in which they eventually tell the authorities:
"I was born here, in America, at such a date.
"And during this time,
"I have gone back to the village in China to visit my parents,
"or my grandparents.
"And during that time I also married.
"But because of your laws, I can't bring my wife,
"or my wife is taking care of my parents still in China.
"But during all these trips, I have fathered three sons.
These are their names, these are their ages."
And the American authorities
would take that information down.
That gentleman would then let it be known, both in Chinatown,
and back to the village in China,
"I have just created three slots.
I've created three fictional men."
And those slots would go up for sale.
People in the village would buy those slots.
They would have to learn the fictional lives
that people would create WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
that people would create
in order to enter the country.
NARRATOR: In 1910 as Chinatown rose
from the ashes and rubble of the earthquake,
and as enforcement issues of the Exclusion Act spiked upward,
a new immigration facility
opened on an island far out in San Francisco Bay,
that in the years to come would become synonymous
with the hardships, heartbreak,
and long-deferred or broken dreams of the exclusion era.
(seagulls squawking)
NGAI: Somebody once said
that Ellis Island was to let people in,
and Angel Island was to keep people out.
Only one percent of the people who showed up at Ellis Island
were turned back.
So Ellis Island really was a gate that swung in,
and Angel Island was where the gate was closed,
and you had to really fight to get in.
(ship horn blaring)
♪
NARRATOR: Over the next three decades, from 1910 to 1940--
when the immigration facility closed--
just three years before exclusion itself was rescinded,
more than 100,000 Chinese immigrants
would come through Angel Island,
whose principle purpose
was to enforce exclusion more strictly than ever before,
weeding out as much as possible paper sons,
segregating detainees from family and friends,
and at the same time safeguarding American citizens
from foreign contamination.
Unlike Ellis Island,
where 98% of the incoming immigrants
made their way through,
18% of the applicants at Angel Island were initially rejected,
and five percent deported outright--
after grueling interrogations, and harrowing detentions
that averaged more than two weeks
and frequently stretched to more than a year.
LEE: The longest detention that we know of was 756 days.
Questions could range from 200 questions asked
to a thousand questions asked.
Angel Island is not unlike the history of Chinese exclusion,
in that it is hidden in plain sight.
It has had so much impact on our history,
and on who we are as a people,
yet it remains almost out of reach, almost mysterious.
It's in the middle of this urban area,
yet so few people know about it.
And then there's the ghostly presence of the building itself.
(distant voice speaking Chinese dialect)
NARRATOR: In counterpoint to the harsh and bureaucratic reality WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
NARRATOR: In counterpoint to the harsh and bureaucratic reality
of the processing center itself
was the palimpsest of writings
scores of Angel Island inmates carved on the walls
of the barracks-like detention center.
(distant voices speaking Chinese dialect)
LEE: You can still see the peeling paint,
the layers of paint
that immigration officials had continuously put over the walls
of the detention barracks
to cover up what they thought was graffiti.
And how the immigrants kept on reclaiming that space
and writing it over or carving it even deeper.
So there's so much about that space
where the walls literally talk to you.
WOMAN (dramatized): "Grief and bitterness entwined are heaven-sent.
The sad person sits alone, leaning by a window."
(man speaking Chinese dialect)
MAN (dramatized): "On the little island
"the wailing of wild, wintry geese can be faintly heard.
(geese calling distantly)
"One should know that when the country is weak,
"the people's spirit dies.
"Why else do we come to this place to be imprisoned?
(man speaking Chinese dialect)
LEE: There's one poem in particular that has always spoken to me,
and it was written by an author
who only identified himself as one from Xiangshan.
And he wrote, "There are tens of thousands of poems
"composed on these walls.
"They are all cries of complaint and sadness.
"The day I am rid of this prison and attain success,
I must remember that this chapter once existed."
That speaks volumes to me.
It's about remembering that there's the suffering,
but also there's a hope that he will be released,
that he will be able to get off of the island,
but that it was important
to never forget the origins of that journey.
(seagulls crowing)
NARRATOR: In the years following the opening of Angel Island in 1910,
the epic human tide that had brought 24 million immigrants WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
the epic human tide that had brought 24 million immigrants
to the nation's shores in less than two generations
would be slowed to a trickle,
and the gates of immigration all but closed,
ushering in 40 years
of demographic isolation in America
and the most exclusionary era the country has ever seen.
In 1917, Congress passed a new
and vastly more far-reaching Immigration Act,
based on the Chinese exclusion laws,
creating an "Asiatic Barred Zone,"
encompassing every Asian nation east of Turkey
and west of the islands of Japan.
NGAI: Then, in 1921, the U.S. government extends
what had been racial-restriction laws aimed at Asian immigrants
to southern and eastern Europeans,
and national origins quotas get established
to ensure that the United States would continue
to predominantly be of northern and western European stock.
NGAI: So in 1924 is really the key legislation
that numerically restricts immigration
into the United States, in general.
Before World War I,
you had an average of over a million coming a year.
And in 1924 there's a ceiling put on that,
it's an annual quota of 150,000.
That's a huge decrease.
Now we have a quota system
that has an absolute numerical limit
parceled out to countries
based on a very complicated formula
of who's more desirable than others.
So Great Britain has a huge quota, Italy has a tiny quota.
And Asians are excluded altogether.
So the treatment of the Chinese foreshadows
this more comprehensive restriction policy.
(explosion)
NEWSREEL ANNOUNCER: "Shanghai, August 1937..."
NGAI: Things start to change in the run-up to World War II.
Japan has invaded China, it's taken over Manchuria,
it's threatening the rest of China.
So American sympathies start to go towards China.
Not so much because it favors China,
but because it's against Japan.
(explosion)
And once the United States enters the war
after Pearl Harbor,
it becomes an official ally of China against Japan.
Many Chinese Americans join the army.
They volunteer if they're not drafted.
And war propaganda has to accommodate
this new international relationship
and win the support of the public.
(marching tune playing)
NEWSREEL ANNOUNCER: "Gung Ho in Chinese means all together..."
NGAI: One of the things that hurts the United States
is Japan's propaganda in Asia. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
is Japan's propaganda in Asia.
Japan is telling the rest of Asia,
"Throw off the Western colonial master.
Come with us, we'll have an Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere,"
is what they call it.
And so they point to the United States,
and they say, "Look, they don't like you.
They have exclusion laws against Asians."
So the American exclusion laws become a point of embarrassment.
FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: My friends,
today we and the Republic of China
are closer together than ever before
in deep friendship and in unity of purpose...
LEE: Franklin Delano Roosevelt does explicitly say,
"We must right a historic wrong."
He has a very eloquent speech.
He needs to convince the American public
that this immigrant group,
that we have maintained was important to exclude,
are now our friends and our allies
and we must remove these discriminatory barriers
to immigration.
NGAI: These laws begin to look anachronistic
in an international context
where the United States wants to present itself
as the standard-bearer of democracy and equal rights.
WONG: Repeal comes because of the politics of the war
and not because there's a realization
that Chinese should not be excluded based on moral grounds.
RADIO ANNOUNCER: But back in New York's Chinatown
NARRATOR: On December 17, 1943,
the Chinese Exclusion Laws were officially repealed
with the passage of the Magnuson Act,
which kept in place laws
prohibiting Chinese nationals from owning property,
but which did permit-- for the first time in nearly 62 years--
a small number of Chinese workers
to enter the country every year,
in strict accordance with the 1924 quota system.
YU: In 1943, it was repealed,
but the repeal was quite symbolic.
The quotas were only 105.
It's so insignificant.
WONG: Yeah.
What's important about it is that it's 105 Chinese a year.
Not just people from China.
So it's 105 a year, based on blood.
You could come from London, you were part of that 105.
And it's the only country that was treated that way.
And it's based on the 1924 quota of 105 being the bare minimum.
So the Chinese got the bare minimum.
The door prize, yeah.
Nevertheless, it is very significant
that the Chinese now had the right to be naturalized,
to become naturalized citizens in this country.
NGAI: It is an important opening, WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
NGAI: It is an important opening,
because, first, on principle,
the idea of exclusion is overturned.
That's huge.
That no longer marks Chinese
as the one group
who, by name, cannot enter the United States.
That's a huge victory.
And it also opens up opportunities
for Chinese to come.
Chinese men can now bring their wives over from China,
right, where they couldn't before,
under the War Brides Act.
(gull squawking)
NARRATOR: Immigration to America was at an all-time low,
when on the verge of the 1960s,
a sea-change began occur
in federal policy towards immigrants,
who for the first time in American history
would soon find themselves officially embraced
as a crucial and defining aspect of the American experience.
It's a very recent phenomenon.
It's a post-World War II,
a Cold War and civil rights phenomenon.
In the 1950s,
John F. Kennedy published "A Nation of Immigrants,"
advocating for reform of immigration laws at that time.
Kennedy believed that not only
was there a civil rights prerogative,
but also a Cold War,
international relations prerogative
to be changing these discriminatory immigration laws,
because we were shutting out
the vast majority of people from around the world
while also proclaiming ourselves
the land of freedom, democracy, and the American way.
NARRATOR: The sea change would be consecrated in 1965
in a landmark piece of federal legislation
called the Hart-Celler Act,
which in the years to come
would dramatically transform the face of America.
LUI: The Hart-Celler Act is the immigration law
that really took away those national race-based quotas
and instead tried to make immigration much more fair
and even and across the board.
When the senators and congressmen
debated the passage of the immigration act,
they had no idea what was going to happen.
But the reality is that because the Hart-Celler Act
privileged certain occupations,
like the medical fields, the science-industry fields,
Asian immigration completely skyrocketed
and changed completely
the face of Asian-American communities
NGAI: So in the late '60s and early '70s,
you have a disproportionate number of highly educated Asians
who came in under the 1965 Act.
This is a period of an expanding economy in the United States,
with more and more R&D work, technical work.
Now, a curious consequence of the Hart-Celler Act
is that we're still left with the idea that Chinese are other.
They may not be the Yellow Peril
of the 19th century and early 20th century. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
of the 19th century and early 20th century.
But now they're the super-achieving students
who keep your kids out of college, right?
So they're either evil or super-achievers.
But the Chinese never stopped being the other.
They never can seem to find a place
of just being part of the mainstream.
NARRATOR: With the passage of time,
memories of the Chinese Exclusion Era,
so painful for Chinese Americans themselves,
faded from public view and were forgotten,
in a nation that now preferred to think of itself--
in principle at least--
as having always welcomed immigrants.
♪
WONG: Those of us who are descendants of paper sons
and discovering that you're a descendant of a paper son.
Um...
That generation-- my generation,
who did not know that our grandfathers were paper sons,
because it was a secret that were kept in our families
and never talked about,
and then one day, perhaps before a funeral,
or before a birthday party or something,
something is said that lets everyone know,
and you realize, "Oh, that's why we never talk about him."
Or, "Oh, that's why that family in Chinatown is related to us,
but we can't figure out why," or something.
It's because of that legacy of exclusion
and getting around exclusion.
And once you realize that,
then that sense of alienation, perhaps,
or that sense of understanding
that you are a legacy of exclusion hits you.
And you realize,
"Oh, I'm part of that long history of immigration,
"exclusion, assimilation,
acculturation, or marginalization."
All of those processes that take place
has its seeds in exclusion.
It made me feel even more a part of that flow of generations
of that Chinese experience in America. WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
of that Chinese experience in America.
And for those generations who came after,
who didn't have to face exclusion,
I don't think they fully understand that,
because they never had to deal with it.
LEE: The history of Chinese exclusion
highlights that we have had a complicated relationship
about immigration from the very beginning.
And that it's that duality of welcoming immigrants,
of understanding their need,
our dependence on them,
how they contribute to the United States--
as well as our fear and anxiety
of the different, changing demographics,
changing economic structure-- that has made us who we are.
That duality and our complicated relationship of immigration
has shaped who we are as a nation.
It's shaped our economy, our society, our politics.
And it continues to shape our ongoing understanding
of what it means to be an American
and how we continue to debate that to this day.
YU: When we look back,
I think we can learn that
the Chinese have this resilient faith
in the founding principles.
I think that's Chinese-Americans' contribution
to this grand American experiment.
The exclusion law can be seen
as a fundamental flaw, a huge mistake,
in that historical process of great experiment.
I think, if you really look at this system,
you can also say that
the exclusion law was democratic, was legal,
but it was wrong.
So something wrong could be done
in that process of building a democratic system there.
On the other hand,
even under the enormous difficult circumstances,
with so many disillusions, so many disappointments,
and so much suffering,
generations of Chinese Americans
never give up their faith and their hope.
And I think that's very remarkable.
♪ WEBVTT X-TIMESTAMP-MAP=MPEGTS:187507, LOCAL:00:00:00.000
"American Experience: The Chinese Exclusion Act"
is available on DVD.
To order, visit shop.PBS.org or call 1-800-PLAY-PBS.
"American Experience" is also available
for download on iTunes.
♪